Ellen Finkelstein

by Ellen Finkelstein

    The 50th anniversary of the historic 1961 Freedom Rides was marked by a two-hour PBS documentary, on network news, and even in the final weeks of Oprah. The precursor (1947) “Journey of Reconciliation,” organized by FOR’s George Houser and others, was noted. As part of the 2011 commemoration, some of the original Freedom Riders retraced their journey accompanied by 40 college students, exploring civic engagement, what has/has not changed, and what inspires people to “get on the bus” then – and now.

   The film “Made in Dagenham” tells the story of 187 underpaid women machinists in a Ford plant in the U.K. In 1968, they took on the union, the company, and the government on pay equity, leading to the 1970 passage of the Equal Pay Act in the U.K. and similar laws elsewhere. Andrew Cornell’s  “Oppose and Propose! Lessons from Movement for a New Society” (2011) examines how the innovative ideas and practices of the radical pacifist MNS (active in 1970s and 80s) are reflected in the strategies, tactics, and lifestyles of contemporary [younger] activists. He finds both inspiration and instruction, and suggests lessons to inform ongoing challenges.

As he spoke, I thought about my own organizing, carrying forward (intentionally and unintentionally) the Civil Rights Movement and MNS into the anti-nuclear movement, the women’s movement, ACT-UP, police accountability, anti-intervention work. I thought of WTO organizing and the current work of SeaSol (Seattle Solidarity), Washington CAN and others confronting the budget cuts in Olympia, local SEIU and the teachers’ union, Backbone, workers in Wisconsin, and other activists.

      WWFOR stands in the stream of history. We can be a link between the past and the future, and make ourselves relevant in the present. We can articulate our vision of “active nonviolence.” We can make use of the “tools of the time” – where once we relied on door-to-door, mimeo print flyers, phone trees, and street speaking, we can also embrace the use of Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, and text messaging. We don’t have to do it all alone – we never had. We can join with the many other people who are working to make change. The “Bring Our Billion$ Home” campaign is one way we are trying to do this.

      Several years ago Fire Mountain Chapter raised $500 at an MLK celebration.  The money was sent to KIVA.  KIVA is a non-profit organization with a mission to connect people through lending to alleviate poverty. Leveraging the internet and a worldwide network of microfinance institutions, KIVA lets individuals lend as little as $25 to help create opportunity around the world.  In their most recent report they have indicated that the original money we sent in has been loaned, repaid and re-loaned so that we have just given our 28th loan.  The newest loan of $50 is to a group of 11 women in Mexico who are involved in food production and sales. They expect to pay the loan back in 6 months.  For more information about the KIVA program see www.kiva.org.

If there is any redemption in the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan, it is that they again exemplify how terrible and evil a modern war can be: so much death, destruction, deception, and deficit. There may be worse wars or better wars, but in each case, no matter how much we try to sugar coat it with the sacrifice and valor of our troops, it is an unmitigated tragedy for the nations where wars are fought and for the people that fight them. Whether this lesson will be learned, and we will move closer to abolishing war still remains to be seen.

On the other hand, the recent nonviolent revolution in Egypt- and the long list of other successful nonviolent revolutions since WWII – exemplify the power of nonviolence. Whether we as a planet can move closer to embracing nonviolence as an alternative to war also remains to be seen.

The achievement of a nonviolent revolution in Egypt, viewed with intense dramatic interest across the globe, has provided a heightened awareness.  The practice of nonviolence is a source of hope and transformation for our world Egypt has the difficult task of rebuilding its government, but Egypt is not engulfed in smoldering post-war wreckage and destruction. It is not a nation traumatized by a civil war that has cursed America for decades. Instead Egypt is a nation united and excited about the prospects of creating a renewed sense of national purpose and direction. We now know that the leaders of the Egyptian revolution had studied nonviolent direct action theory prior to launching their campaign. (For a more complete analysis of the nonviolent revolution inEgypt, read Ken Boutigan’s enthusiastic and brief account at www.peaceworkersus.org/nonviolent-revolution-in-egypt/).

So what do we need to understand about this “power of nonviolence” that so convincingly liberated Egypt? Why and how does it work?

One of the most important places to begin to find the answer to these questions is a classic work by that name, The Power of Nonviolence, written by Richard Gregg (1885-1974) in 1934. The book was printed and revised a number of times, most recently in 1959, when it was released with an forward by Martin Luther King, Jr. King claimed this book was a primary inspiration for his commitment to the use of nonviolent direct action in the civil rights movement.

Gregg began his career as a labor lawyer. Discouraged by the dehumanizing effect of big business, he came across the anti-colonial work of Mohandas Gandhi and went to Indiato study and work with Gandhi for four years. When he returned he began to interpret Gandhi’s nonviolent philosophy in language that made it accessible to a Western audience.

Gregg’s Power of Nonviolence presents a coherent explanation of how nonviolence works. He likens it to the art of jiu-jitsui in which systemic and personal violence is met, not with the counter force of violence, but with creativity, surprise and the disciplined practice of love, courage, perseverance, and self-sacrifice. This response establishes a moral high ground and disarms the opponent’s will to continue to dominate and harm.

The core of Gregg’s understanding of active nonviolence can be summarized by four characteristics:

-         respect for the dignity of the adversary, including the one who is an outright enemy;

-         trust in the power of truth;

-         trust in the unity of ends and means; and

-         the readiness to accept suffering rather than to inflict it.

Applying these principles, perhaps Gregg’s greatest historical contribution was to make Gandhi’s nonviolence a viable alternative to war. Gregg opens a new option, one which promises at least a comparable degree of pragmatic effectiveness to those who argue for the “myth of redemptive violence,” the assumption that war, or the threat of war, is the ultimate way to peace. Gregg’s work provided a sub-discipline within political science that makes the case that recourse to violence has a viable strategic alternative. He argues that peace and justice is possible and desirable without war and mayhem and uncontrollable bloodshed. The nonviolent approach reshuffles the components of the cost-benefit analysis of the marginal utility of recourse to violence. There is no guarantee you will win with nonviolence, but there is no guarantee for the success in war either (take Iraq, for example), and there are always losers in war.

Nonviolence, on the other hand, has the additional benefit of affirming the unity of humanity, including the dignity of the adversary’s life and reputation. InIraqSaddam Hussein is captured, disgraced, killed; his political party is excluded from government, including those who were needed in a transition. In Egypt, on the other hand, Mubarak continues to live; although legal and moral accountability will hopefully follow (as in the Truth and Reconciliation process in South Africa), and although Mubarak, his family and followers are now marginalized, they are allowed their dignity and the country is able to build a new government based on national unity without the weight of vengeance and reprisals.

Gregg is also particularly effective at comparing the relative psychological and social advantages of nonviolent actions to the use of violence. Anger and fear, if not redirected, are exhausting and lead to brutality that in turn creates more violence and insecurity, which in turn leads to more anger and fear. Nonviolence, whether in face-to-face situations or in political confrontations, empowers and transforms the anger and fear through truth-telling, deep conviction, and self-sacrifice while showing respect for the moral integrity and personality of the assailants and opposition. This is a powerful, positive source of healing and reconciliation.

The accounts of the drama at Tahrir Square reported that the revolution was led by a very small group of ten or so people using cell phones against a determined, established (although confused and increasingly desperate) military force. The truth of the years of oppression, neglect and profligacy was openly revealed for all the world to see. Mubarak tried to retaliate with violence and intimidation. The people remained courageously steadfast and nonviolent. Worldwide opinion fell solidly behind the protestors, especially as we saw their willingness to sacrifice themselves for the cause. The military was eventually won over because of the respect for their moral integrity and their shared  personal love forEgypt. It was a classic representation of direct nonviolent action straight out of Gregg’s book.

In Gregg’s terms the powers of domination were overcome by the powers of nonviolence. Key words for Gregg are unity (as opposed to the fracturing and vengefulness of war and violence), selflessness (as opposed to arrogance, entitlement, belligerence, and “full spectrum domination”), discipline, and a very important word, persuasion (as opposed to coercion). The heart of nonviolence is the heart, the capacity for love and selfless action to overcome violence.

For Gregg nonviolence is the key to freedom and liberty, both at a personal and national level. He contends that “freedom is a by-product of trust, mutual respect, honesty, tolerance, patience and actively expressed good will.” The practice of nonviolence is the essential basis for freedom and liberty as a society and as a planet.

In the final chapters Gregg explores nonviolence beyond a political strategy as a way of everyday life. All valid parenting is nonviolent action. So is authentic education, competent farming, efficient and ethical business administration, and all proper governmental functions and responsible journalism. This is the nonviolence of the every day. We should all be encouraged that so many have now learned to enhance their lives with the use of nonviolent communication (NVC) or lead workshops on Alternative to Violence (AVP), just two of an ever expanding array of nonviolent practices that Gregg would surely have applauded.

Richard Gregg’s writing style is a bit dated now, but it remains clear and understandable. Some will call it too idealistic. But the reality is that his analysis in this seminal work has become a standard classic in the field of nonviolence study and political science in general. Gregg’s interpretation of Gandhi and the insights he offers are as relevant today as ever. This brief review is meant only as an introduction, and I eagerly recommend the full text of The Power of Nonviolence as a foundational study and practice and nonviolence.

Although the book seems to be out of print, it is available as used copy and on Kindle and perhaps other e-readers, or it can be downloaded in its entirety at www.nonviolenceunited.org/pdf/thepowerofnonviolence0206.pdf.

Seabeck 2011

It’s not too late to join us. Call Louise at 206-364-2037 or email:  seabeck@wwfor.org to register

   On August 23,1952, A.J. Muste, in his closing address to the Pacific Northwest FOR – AFSC Family Camp meeting, said “The enemy is yourself.  Your other self. Your aggressiveness arouses your enemy’s defensiveness.  Your defensiveness arouses his aggressiveness.   If you arm yourself, you arm your enemy.”  Recently I was at Home Depot buying some gardening supplies.  When I went out to the parking lot, I noticed a man whose very large red pickup which was parked in front of mine looking at the bumper stickers I have and shaking his head.  When I approached he said, “You probably didn’t serve , did you?”  When I told him I had been in the Infantry in Viet Nam, he questioned me closely about what unit I had been in.  He then said, Well, why don’t you support the troops then?”  I said I support the troops by trying to keep them from getting killed.  He then went on a rant about “money grubbing socialists”.  It wasn’t clear to me where that came from.  When I left the parking lot he followed me for about a mile.  I stopped to liberate some discarded cardboard for garden mulch and after he watched me for a few minutes he drove off. 

I thought about Muste’s words.  How do we interact with those who are passionately enraged against our positions?  How do we make our stance without creating the very aggressiveness that we wish to defuse?  

     A few days later, word came out that Osama bin Laden had been killed by U.S. Special Ops forces in Pakistan.  The news showed scenes of people standing in the streets outside the White House cheering as though their team had just won an important sports match.  I’m sure this came out of a mix of blood lust and a belief that justice had been done.  It occurred to me that this is exactly the same mixture of reasoning of the radical jihadists.  Both sides claim righteousness and justice in the process of killing innocents thus creating the perceived necessity for more righteous killing.  We need to start with ourselves and recognize the enemy within.  Only then can we seek to find a place to begin standing for peace.

by John Repp

      What will we do with all the money when we “Bring Our Billion$ Home”? Asking and answering this question could help us develop our vision for the WWFOR campaign.  At the present time, we have been supporting the movement opposing cuts to schools, health care and other needed government programs and the movement supporting increasing revenue by taxing wealthy individuals and corporations. The financial markets and the talking heads of the corporate media have been very successful in convincing Congress that government debt and the budget deficit is the most pressing problem we face. However in several recent polls, the public, by large percentages, sees debt and deficits as less important than jobs and the economy. www.pollingreport.com/prioriti.htm   These polls suggest that debt and deficits are a symptom not a cause of deeper problems.  A new report from the Institute for Policy Studies entitled “The Green Dividend” gives us needed perspective. www.fpif.org/reports/greendividend  After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, there was an expectation of a peace dividend in Europe and the United States, as the need for massive military spending disappeared.

   The report tells us that in the U.S. from 1990 to 1997, 85% of the $116 billion in military spending cuts went to deficit reduction. Of the 15% that was spent for conversion, most went for worker retraining and planning grants to communities hard hit by the military cuts. “Missing was any attention to helping defense companies avoid layoffs by converting to civilian production.” Leaders assumed the “free market” would take care of that! In other words, real conversion was avoided. “The Green Dividend” report recommends that as we pull the money out of wars and military spending, we reinvest the money in [green] “building and retrofitting, mass transit and freight rail, a smart grid for electrical transmission, wind and solar power and advanced biofuels”, Congressional district by Congressional district. Much of the report is tables matching location and military project with green jobs equivalents. A company making airplane wings can make windmills.

  In the 20 years since the aborted peace dividend of the 1990’s, the scientific consensus around climate change has strengthened exponentially. Global climate chaos is the real existential threat to our civilization, not “terrorism” which we only exacerbate with our military occupations. We must reinvest in our economy to achieve environmental sustainability as we “Bring Our Billion$ Home”.

   All donations to WWFOR are tax deductible. Under current U.S. tax laws, Western Washington FOR is fiscally sponsored by the Fellowship of Reconciliation USA (FOR), a registered 501(c)(3) nonprofit in the United States.. FOR has partnered with Democracy In Action to facilitate your online credit card transaction. You will see DEMOCRACYINACTION.ORG associated with this transaction on your credit card statement.

Donate by Mail: checks should be made payable to WWFOR and sent to the following address:  225 North 70th St, Seattle, WA 98103. You can use the enclosed envelope this time.

Ground Zero Center for Nonviolent Action    www.gzcenter.org 

IFOR (International Fellowship of Reconciliation)  www.ifor.org  

Justice Works! PO Box 1489, Lake Stevens, WA 98258  206-309-2087 www.justiceworks.info/   email: justice_works@yahoo.com

Olympia FOR chapter   360-491-9093   website www.olympiafor.org/

Pacific Call  Next issue deadline is August 20, 2011.  Contact Larry Kerschner   peacepoet@gmail.com    360-880-4741

WWFOR — office    Ellen Finkelstein, organizer  206-789-5565   email: wwfor@wwfor.org    web: www.wwfor.org/

Tacoma FOR website: www.tacomafor.org

Ellen Finkelstein

First we were all Tunisians. Then a poster read “Walk like an Egyptian.” Suddenly, we’re all from Wisconsin. Inspirational, remarkable change being wrought by working people, raising their voices and becoming actors in their own lives and in history.

In Egypt we saw the linkage of new modes of communication (blogs, Facebook, Twitter, YouTube) with the mobilization of millions of people to effect change. Did you know that among the community of young Egyptian bloggers, one of them had been promoting nonviolent civil disobedience by distributing a translated comic book about Martin Luther King that was developed by FOR in the late 1950s?

In Wisconsin, tens of thousands of teachers, students, workers, and others are demanding that Gov. Scott Walker not slash the benefits of state employees and take away their collective bargaining rights. The reason given for this slashing of workers’ rights is the budget crisis: “There’s no money.”

But that’s just not true. It’s where the money goes that’s the problem. The budget crisis could be solved if we ended the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan and reclaimed that money to fund human needs. WWFOR’s Bring Our Billion$ Home campaign is raising public awareness of the growing spending disparities and mobilizing people to work for change.

We have opportunities every day to talk with people about how the budget cuts are impacting their lives and about the waste of military spending. Take it on – pledge to talk to 5 of your friends and neighbors; write a letter to the editor; blog about it. And be out there, standing with and for people who are raising their voices – both here and throughout the Middle East.

Larry Kerschner

A number of years ago I became aware of the effects of the economic sanctions we were imposing on the people of Iraq. Among other intended and unintended consequences of our imposition of power, I found out that, according to the U.N., 5,000 children under the age of five were dying each month.

I was moved to go to Iraq in August 2000 to see for myself. I was heart-broken at what I witnessed. The casualness of this evil seemed unimaginable. Kathy Kelly, who I met in Iraq, recently returned from a trip to Afghanistan. She pointed me to a U.N. report on the current status of the children of Afghanistan.

Since we “liberated” Afghanistan from the Taliban, children have been dying of the same easily treated water-borne diseases that killed the children of Iraq. The difference is that in a country of similar population size an Afghani child is dying every two minutes. This comes to 25,000 brutal, unnecessary child deaths each month that we, in large part, are responsible for. Under international law, when a military occupies another country (whether legally or not) it becomes responsible for the health and safety of the population

Right now a quarter of all children born in Afghanistan, die before age five. Every half-hour an Afghani woman dies of pregnancy-related problems. Life expectancy is now 44 years. Sixty percent of Afghani children are malnourished. We starved and killed the children of Iraq for thirteen years and then were surprised when the Iraqi people did not greet our occupying military force with open arms.

The “war” in Afghanistan is currently the longest military engagement in U.S. history. We are wasting the lives and futures of our children and the children of Afghanistan. The billions of dollars that we are using to kill the brown-skinned children of our empire should be brought home and used for something life enhancing. Our desire for “the good life” has cost the death of too many children.